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Journeys of Exile · Story 02

Possible in Writing

Bissan Edwan

Ain al-HilwehCairoGazaIstanbulLund

scroll — the map follows the journey ↓

A quiet winter in Lund, far from Gaza, while Gaza remains loud within me.
A quiet winter in Lund, far from Gaza, while Gaza remains loud within me.

intro

Present in Writing – If Not on a Map

Writing as survival, not profession.

I didn't wake up one day and decide to become a writer or an activist. It's more like opening the doors of a house threatened with demolition.

Every text I write is an attempt to save something from oblivion: a face, a scent, a sentence spoken by a martyr but left unfinished. This force that drives me to write is not individual energy but a collective memory that dwells within me—the memory of mothers who have lost their sons, of homes that have been destroyed, and of the land that continues to resist oblivion. I write because I believe that memory is the highest form of resistance, and that language is capable of restoring humanity's right to be told, not erased. Writing, for me, is neither a profession nor a luxury; it is a means of survival.

When I write, I feel that I am completing what those who have passed on began—those who were not given the chance to finish their last words. I write so that Palestine remains present in language, even if it is destined to disappear from the map.

Photo: Photo by Katja Tauberman

1975–1985

Guests Everywhere

Born in Libya, a child of the camp in Lebanon.

I was born in Libya in 1975 to Palestinian parents, from Ashkelon to Rafah. I carried the name of Palestine within me even before I was aware of it. The first word I knew was 'refugee.' When I was little, my mother used to say that we were 'guests everywhere.' I searched for temporary guests—strangers like us—in every country except our own.

We spent my childhood in the Ain al-Hilweh refugee camp in Lebanon. The Israelis waged war from 1982 until we escaped in the spring of 1985. I remember the beginning of the war, because my sister was born during the shelling. Ambulances came to our house for my mother and the baby, but my mother returned without her. We learned that she had died.

Tripoli, 1975. My father holds me in his arms, before death takes him away from us.
Tripoli, 1975. My father holds me in his arms, before death takes him away from us.

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1985

Escape from Camp

The flight from the camp, and a fear of airports that never left.

When Lebanese forces attacked the camp, my father had to smuggle us out through back roads until we reached Beirut. One moment I will never forget is fleeing the camp, walking over bodies and body parts lying in the streets. My feet still ache to this day.

My father and I set off from Beirut by boat to Cyprus, while my mother and brother flew to Athens. We arrived at Cairo airport and were detained for four days. My brother and I slept in the corridors while our parents were interrogated.

Airports still evoke anxiety in me. Every flight brings back that child who slept on the tarmac of Cairo Airport, unsure whether she would be allowed to enter or be sent back into exile.

War doesn't end when the bullets fall silent; it settles in the body, in memory, and in the reactions that accompany us into adulthood. The sounds of explosions, the images of escape, and the bodies we stepped over in my childhood still live within me as if they happened yesterday. Therefore, for me, an airport is not the beginning of a journey, but rather the beginning of an age-old experience of fear, one that only ends when the plane takes off and leaves the ground.

Ein El Hilweh camp, Lebanon, 1983. A building still marked by the fighting.
Ein El Hilweh camp, Lebanon, 1983. A building still marked by the fighting.

Photo: Jean Mohr (1925–2018), CC BY-SA 4.0, via Wikimedia Commons

1985–2020

A Passport and Battleground

In Cairo, I discovered my language and what it means to be Palestinian.

I arrived in Egypt as a child, carrying the memory of exile, and grew up there until I became the woman I am today. Egypt was never a mere stopover — it was where my political and intellectual consciousness took shape, and where I learned that freedom is not a slogan but a daily responsibility.

There I experienced the discrimination Palestinians face when identity becomes a legal and political burden. But I also learned what it means to belong to a vast Arab cultural space, where ideas coexist, visions clash, and the book remains the primary teacher.

Cairo was my true university. My education extended beyond classrooms into libraries, cultural cafés, newspaper pages, and publishing houses — reading Muhammad Abduh on reform and reason, Taha Hussein on doubt, Naguib Mahfouz on the Arab city's contradictions, and later Samir Amin, Galal Amin, and Nawal El Saadawi, who gave me the tools to think about political economy, colonialism, dependency, and the relationship between freedom, the body, and power. Journalism taught me even more than books: that the Palestinian cause is inseparable from democracy and freedom of expression, and that tyranny in any form reproduces injustice.

My political life began with the student movement, then widened into the popular movements demanding reform, especially Kefaya after 2005 — years that taught me change is made not by elites alone, but by people who reclaim their voices.

When the Egyptian revolution erupted in January 2011, I was part of the youth movement that preceded and accompanied it, and the civil action that tried to protect its goals, through 2012. For me, it was not only an Egyptian event; it was an Arab and human moment that affirmed that dignity and freedom know no borders or nationalities.

Through journalism, publishing, and founding Ibn Rushd Publishing House, I came to believe that culture is not an elite activity but public action — that books and debate can resist tyranny as much as any political act.

It's difficult for me to summarize Egypt in a single narrative: a country that gave me so much, and with which I have often disagreed — as much a part of who I am as it was a part of my struggle. Defending Palestine, I have come to believe, begins with defending human freedom everywhere.

How many ideas were born here, and how many dreams were chased by fear.
How many ideas were born here, and how many dreams were chased by fear.

Photo: Roland Unger, CC BY-SA 4.0, via Wikimedia Commons

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1998

The House in Ashkelon

A first journey through the land her family was forced from.

My first visit to Palestine in 1998 was as much a journey through my family's memories as it was a journey through geography. I travelled between Jerusalem, the West Bank, and the Palestinian coastal cities I knew from my grandmother's stories: Jaffa, Haifa, Acre, Nazareth, and then Ashkelon, where her house was in the village of Barbra.

When I arrived at my family's house, which had been confiscated in 1948, a Jewish woman of Moroccan origin who lived there greeted us and allowed us to enter. The house had changed completely, except for the kitchen. It remained exactly as my grandmother had described it throughout my childhood, as if time had stood still there.

I couldn't contact her at that moment. I returned to Haifa, to the home of my friend, and from there I called my grandmother.

I described the house to her as I had seen it, and I reached the kitchen. There was a short silence, then she burst into tears. She was reclaiming her home through my voice, more than fifty years after being uprooted from it.

A few days later, she passed away.

That call still haunts me to this day. I don't know if I offered her final solace, or if I awakened in her a longing too great for her heart to bear. But I realized that houses can be confiscated, but no one can take away memory.

My young uncles visit our village of Barbra in Ashkelon, 1969.
My young uncles visit our village of Barbra in Ashkelon, 1969.

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2000–2003

Living in Gaza

A house, a job, and the Second Intifada a month away.

After graduating from university in 2000, I received a new permit to enter the Gaza Strip. I intended a short visit but decided to stay, even though my residency wasn't legally secure and the Second Intifada was about to erupt. I arrived in Gaza in September 2000, and within a few weeks, everything changed.

I began working at Ramtan News Agency as an editor and news producer during one of the most turbulent periods in contemporary Palestinian history. The newsroom wasn't detached from the events; it was part of them. We followed the raids, bombings, incursions, assassinations, demonstrations, and city closures moment by moment, while simultaneously trying to verify information and maintain accuracy amidst the chaos.

Journalism in Gaza wasn't just a job. We wrote while clashes were raging nearby, sometimes leaving the office to find the news had already reached the street. I covered people's stories before I covered politics. I saw how the occupation altered the details of daily life: children delayed from school by checkpoints, families who lost loved ones, farmers prevented from accessing their land, and doctors trying to save lives under bombardment. I realized that real news doesn't begin with a military statement, but with a human being.

These years reshaped my professional identity. I learned that journalism isn't just about reporting facts, but about defending the truth against propaganda, giving people names, faces, and stories, instead of reducing them to mere numbers in news bulletins.

I left Gaza in 2003, but I never truly left. I returned several times: to cover the Israeli withdrawal from the settlements in 2005, and later solidarity and documentation missions. My last visit was in 2018. Since then, Gaza has remained more than just a workplace for me; it is my little homeland.

I would leave the office in Gaza to find the news circulating in the streets before it reached the screens.
I would leave the office in Gaza to find the news circulating in the streets before it reached the screens.

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2011

The Square and the Cell

Egypt's revolution, and the disillusionment that followed.

When the Egyptian revolution erupted, I was in the square, believing that the overthrow of tyranny was a symbolic victory for all the oppressed, including my own people.

But the path wasn't straight. After the revolution, we found ourselves facing a form of despotism that had changed its face but not its essence: a struggle against the exploitation of religion in politics on one hand, and against the return of military dominance on the other. We struggled for a democratic, civil state that safeguards dignity and equal rights for all.

This path led me back to prison — the second of two arrests that follow.

In Tahrir Square, the future seemed closer than ever… then it slipped away again.
In Tahrir Square, the future seemed closer than ever… then it slipped away again.

Photo: Photo by Zaina Kiwan

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1999 and 2020

Two Arrests, more than Twenty Years Apart

Detained at Rafah, then deported from Cairo.

Prison was not foreign to my family's memory, but it was a harsh personal ordeal: a cramped cell, lengthy interrogations, and the realization that freedom could be taken away by decree. Prison was also a profound intellectual turning point.

I was arrested twice.

The first time, in 1999, Israeli authorities arrested me upon my return from a visit to Palestine because of books I had brought with me through the Rafah crossing. I was detained for six months without trial, then released after my health deteriorated.

The second time, in 2020, I went to the immigration office in Cairo to renew my residency permit, and instead, I was taken to prison. I was detained for ten days, then a deportation order was issued against me to Turkey. Two years later, the Egyptian judiciary upheld the deportation order, based on my writings and intellectual positions.

But the two arrests were not the same. The first time, I thought prison was walls, iron doors, interrogation, and waiting. The second time, I realized that prison can also be an administrative document, a political decision, or the constant feeling that your life can change in an instant because you have the wrong identity or say the wrong word. Prison didn't teach me fear; it taught me that fear is a complete system, one that begins before the cell and continues. Then, if we allow it to dwell within us.

It also taught me that freedom is not merely the opposite of imprisonment. Freedom is for one's conscience to remain free, even when one's movements are restricted. It is to remain capable of thinking, choosing, and speaking when silence becomes safer than words. I left prison more convinced than ever that dignity is not measured by what one possesses, but by what one refuses to relinquish. And writing and journalism have transformed their meaning from mere professions into acts of resistance and defence of rights and people.

Borders are not lines on maps, but daily tests of human dignity. The Rafah Crossing is the only border between Gaza and Egypt that does not pass through Israel.
Borders are not lines on maps, but daily tests of human dignity. The Rafah Crossing is the only border between Gaza and Egypt that does not pass through Israel.

Photo: Al Jazeera English, CC BY-SA 2.0, via Wikimedia Commons

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2020–2023

The Sea Didn't Know My Name

Istanbul looked like home and refused to be it.

Istanbul is a seaside city, like Jaffa and Gaza, but the sea didn't know my name. The same sea touched our cities, but the waves carried no messages from our shores.

Forced exile in Turkey was harsher than I expected. My passport required me to declare I was Palestinian, and I felt a hidden discomfort settle over people's faces — fear and doubt, a history standing between us far greater than the sea.

My deportation from Egypt was a new uprooting, not a journey of choice. I packed a small bag and left behind more than thirty years of my life: my work, my publishing house, my friends, the city where my consciousness was formed.

I arrived in Istanbul in the final days before the world went into lockdown. Just as I began to know the city, it closed its doors, and with it, the world. For three months I barely left my apartment — no friends, no colleagues, no network to rely on. I was living in exile within exile: one imposed by deportation, another by the pandemic. Writing became my only way to resist the isolation.

It wasn't until 2021 that my life in Turkey truly began, as I found other Egyptian and Palestinian exiles who, like me, were rebuilding. In 2022, my first book, Letters from the Diaspora, was published — a declaration that exile cannot silence a voice, even if it silences a place. But stability stayed fragile: temporary residency, work I couldn't find, a language that stood like a solid wall — daily reminders that my life remained in limbo.

Meanwhile, Gaza was facing genocide. I followed the news moment by moment, writing daily in its defense, driven by a helplessness that was more than geographic distance.

Then, in mid-2024, my mother passed away — the last person who had known my entire life before exile. I have not recovered from that loss.

I wrote because Gaza was being annihilated, because my mother had passed, because I knew no other way to resist absence. My writing became like lighting a candle in a closed passage.

A city teeming with life, and lonely enough to remind me of Gaza.
A city teeming with life, and lonely enough to remind me of Gaza.

Photo: Photo by Yara Mohamed

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2025–2026

Starting From the Snow

In the far north, silence, and a new language to learn.

Here in Sweden, the silence is like those moments after a bombing, when all sound ceases except the moans of survivors. No home, no family, no homeland, no history. The nights are incredibly long.

In Sweden, loneliness takes on another form: pitch darkness, bitter cold, thick fog, and a pervasive grayness. People here test you for a long time before they give you a place in their hearts, and winter itself prolongs this test. No one knocked on my door but the wind, and no one asked if I had returned safely.

In my Swedish city, snow covers the sidewalks, and the sky is heavy, as if the earth were writing in a silent language: “Here, you must begin with the snow.”

In Sweden, the new language is not just letters; it is a key to a locked door. But even if the door opens, the warmth emanating from it is not the warmth of the East that I know. People try to understand me. They are captivated by the beauty of the language, its pronunciation, the structure of its words and poetry, and by the vitality that surges through my body when I speak about Palestine, Gaza, and the genocide. They apologize profusely for what is happening, but then ask, “What will you do next?” and all I can say is, “I will return someday.”

After gradually rebuilding my life and participating in cultural, literary, and human rights activities, I became the target of a sustained public campaign because of my writing on Palestine and my public defense of Palestinian rights. What began as accusations soon reached into the institutions I depended on to stay — my grant, my residency itself.

I challenged those actions, and the threat was reversed. But the campaign that provoked it didn't end there, and neither did its cost.

I learned that snow doesn't erase exile, but it grants it a longer silence.
I learned that snow doesn't erase exile, but it grants it a longer silence.

Photo: Photo by Katja Tauberman

present

The Attempt to Silence Me

Accused over her writing, threatened with the loss of her place.

What does freedom of expression mean when legal protection exists, but public campaigns seek to silence you?

I have been accused of supporting “terrorism” because I write about Palestinian resistance against genocide. My words about Palestine are interpreted as support for the killing of Israeli civilians, glorification of the events of October 7, or expressions of antisemitism.

For more than two years in Sweden, these accusations circulated relentlessly through social media and the public sphere, accompanied by incitement and implicit threats that my scholarship—and consequently my legal residency—would be withdrawn. Although the municipality ultimately reversed its decision after months of public controversy and advocacy, the damage did not end there. The accusations subsided, but their consequences remained. I continue to face professional isolation, with cultural institutions, festivals, and public organizers often reluctant to invite or collaborate with me for fear of becoming targets of similar campaigns or political pressure. In this sense, the punishment outlived the decision itself, creating an atmosphere in which freedom of expression feels protected in law, yet constrained in practice.

I have never written in praise of the killing of civilians, regardless of their identity. My position is clear and unequivocal: the protection of civilians is a non-negotiable principle. International humanitarian law, as affirmed by the United Nations and the Geneva Conventions, prohibits targeting civilians without exception. Defending a people's right to resist occupation—a right recognized under international law—does not justify harming civilians. Confusing the two is not an innocent misunderstanding; it is a strategy to suppress public debate.

Criticizing a state's policies, condemning a war, or describing a situation as genocide does not constitute hatred of a religious or ethnic group. Antisemitism is a form of racism that must be rejected morally and legally, just as Islamophobia and all forms of hate speech must be rejected. Justice is indivisible, and human dignity is indivisible.

What's happening is an attempt to redefine solidarity as a crime, turning language into a minefield. Talking about human rights or international law is increasingly treated as evidence of political extremism rather than part of legitimate democratic debate. This isn't an intellectual disagreement; it's a narrowing of the space for free expression.

I reject the killing of civilians, whoever they may be, and I refuse to give up my right to expose injustice. Writing is not a crime, nor is solidarity. If the price of speaking out is being accused, then I will accept the accusation. The alternative is silence, and silence in the face of genocide is complicit.

present

On Being Palestinian

After the destruction of Gaza, the meaning of the word changed.

To be Palestinian is to live within a restless memory, to breathe with a lung pierced by longing. In exile, Palestine was an idea for me, not a place — something I had forgotten in old songs, in torn maps, in my mother's accent, in my father's gaze when he heard the name Ashkelon.

But with time, the idea transformed into an identity, and then into an existential stance. Palestinian nationality is not a journey, but a constant awareness of justice and injustice.

After the destruction of Gaza, the meaning changed. To be Palestinian today means to face the world not from the position of victim, but from the position of witness. It means to write so that blood does not become a mere statistic, and to refuse silence, because silence has become a form of complicity. It means to choose hope despite its shattering, and to insist on human dignity even if the body falls.

For me, being Palestinian is not just a national identity, but a moral test for the world: how can we live while we see genocide broadcast live, and pretend we don't hear its cries?

Palestine is no longer just a place on a map, but a test of human conscience everywhere.

Aerial view of the destruction of Gaza beach, 2024.
Aerial view of the destruction of Gaza beach, 2024.

Photo: Abedallah Alhaj, CC BY-SA 3.0 IGO, via Wikimedia Commons

present

To Speak the Unspoken

Two occupations to face at once: as a woman, as a Palestinian.

Being a woman in a society that fears the female voice forced me to confront both occupations at once: the external and the internal. But I chose to be present, not an echo. The Palestinian woman is not a shadow of the man, but a shadow of an entire homeland. From Gaza to Cairo to Turkey to European exile, I carried the burden of freedom as if it were my only daughter.

In my childhood, I saw the women around me silently enduring burdens heavier than wars. I realized early that surviving in the shadow of this history requires a different kind of courage from a woman — the courage to speak the unspoken.

For me, writing was a means of breaking the double siege: the siege of the occupation and the siege of social representation. Therefore, in my work, I try to present the Palestinian woman not as a petrified symbol or a mythical mother, but as a complex being living between desire and duty, between love and survival, between the body and politics. Perhaps my experience as a woman in exile has made my language both more fragile and more rebellious.

In my Ibn Rushd publishing house office, Cairo, 2018.
In my Ibn Rushd publishing house office, Cairo, 2018.

present

Words, Not Weapons

The poet as witness and participant, never neutral.

A poet does not change the world, but they change the way the world is seen. This is where revolution begins. Writing is not a means of beautifying reality, but of undermining it. A writer must be a witness and a participant, not a neutral observer.

This is why I believe in what Ghassan Kanafani called the “engaged intellectual”—the one who does not stand on the sidelines as a spectator, but descends into the heart of the battle, with awareness, not weapons, and with language, not slogans. The poet and the writer are not mere witnesses, but active participants in shaping collective consciousness. They write against forgetting, against the language that justifies killing, and against the official narrative that seeks to obscure the truth.

I believe that the true writer's role is inseparable from their moral responsibility to the world. In moments of collective collapse, literature ceases to be a luxury or an aesthetic retreat, becoming an existential necessity and a form of intellectual resistance against nihilism and the normalization of injustice.

An engaged writer writes knowing that their words may be censored, banned, or misinterpreted. They write nonetheless. For me, “cultural engagement” was not a choice but a destiny imposed by the Palestinian context. When you write about a country being erased from the airwaves, you cannot remain neutral or write from an ivory tower of aesthetic detachment.

In a world dominated by biased media and falsified political discourse, the free word becomes the last possible space for justice. Perhaps this is why I say that the engaged intellectual is the last line of defense for the world's humanity. They do not write to console, but to awaken; not to beautify, but to expose; not to reconcile with oppression, but to give the reader the courage to see. The writer's role, then, is to create a new language of truth, a language capable of naming things as they are, without fear.

Human rights is not achieved solely through statements and conferences, but also through poetry, novels, and articles that shatter the silence. Freedom of expression, democracy, and tolerance are built on the critical awareness that the writer cultivates in the reader.

The true writer does not offer ready-made answers but rather raises long-postponed questions, disturbs the complacency, and reminds people that freedom is not granted, but seized.

Every sea brings me back to Gaza, even if it hides its waves under another name.
Every sea brings me back to Gaza, even if it hides its waves under another name.

Photo: Photo by Sarah Nour

present

The Right to Narrate

Whoever holds the story holds the meaning.

Memory. I fear that we will become without memory, without names. Every text I write is an attempt to rescue something from oblivion. In times of annihilation, the word becomes a space of survival — not because it changes the world instantly, but because it prevents the world from ceasing to question.

I write to give language a moral function, not merely an aesthetic one. The poet in Palestine does not have the luxury of ambiguity or neutrality; they are a writer on the edge of the fire, knowing that the word may cost them their life, but it may also preserve the life of another.

For me, writing is an arena of confrontation: between memory and forgetting, between humanity and the machine, between dream and ruin. In every text I try to reclaim the Palestinian right to narrate, because whoever possesses the story possesses the meaning, and whoever possesses the meaning possesses the future.

My engagement is not only with politics, but with language itself—to refuse to allow pain to be reduced to a consumerist spectacle, and to resist with poetry as the fighter resists with stones.

Even before the greatest monument of love, I thought of a homeland that found no grave worthy of its dreams.
Even before the greatest monument of love, I thought of a homeland that found no grave worthy of its dreams.

Photo: From Bissan Edwan's collection

The road sign to Gaza.
The road sign to Gaza.

present

A Homeland You Carry

Not a place we return to, but a meaning we carry.

An immaterial idea of homeland has guided my path. I refuse to reduce the homeland to negotiations, maps, or agreements. Homeland is not an architectural project, but a moral one. I have lived in many countries, but I always lived on the margins, between residence and exile.

Since childhood, I've known that homeland isn't a place we return to, but a meaning we carry with us wherever we go. I lost my home before I could possess it, and I learned that absence could become a kind of presence if we preserve memory from fading. A homeland without justice becomes power, not belonging. Belonging is not a map that can be folded in a pocket.

Photo: Photo by Emad El Byed on Unsplash

interview

Interview — Culture and Belief

Behind the scenes, in her own voice.

On culture and politics:

Culture and politics are two sides of the same coin. In the East, culture is often used to beautify oppression; in the West, to justify hegemony in the name of freedom. True culture is what reveals the violence of language itself. When we write from exile, we reshape the Palestinian narrative outside the monopoly of Western media. Culture, when free, is the most dangerous form of resistance.

On religion and secularism:

I have lived in countries with very different relationships to faith, from Libya to Egypt to Europe. I learned that rituals don't measure faith, and that freedom isn't the opposite of religion, but the opposite of tyranny in the name of religion. I do not sanctify religious authority, nor secular authority. I sanctify the human right to choose.

I believed that publishing a free book was another form of resistance.
I believed that publishing a free book was another form of resistance.

Photo: Photo by Fatima Al Obaidy

interview

Interview — Hope and Solidarity

On perseverance, and on the world's conscience.

Were you ever most hopeful about Palestine?

Perhaps the First Intifada, when I felt that Palestine pulsed in the hearts of the people, not in the negotiating rooms. But over the years I lost faith in optimism as a stance. I've come to believe in perseverance, not hope. Palestinians don't have the luxury of despair. We write, we resist, and we love so that the last thread connecting us to meaning doesn't break.

On the Sumud Flotilla and efforts like it:

These are not merely humanitarian gestures, but symbolic acts that revive the world's conscience. They redefine solidarity as shared danger, not distant compassion. Every initiative of this kind restores the belief that somewhere, there are still those who insist on saying 'enough.'

interview

Interview — On a Just Future

Her clearest political positions, in full.

On what global politics must do, and how the conflict could end:

There can be no peace while there are walls, settlements, sieges, and prisons. Any agreement that does not begin with the recognition of the right of return and end with the dismantling of colonialism is a reproduction of defeat in calculated diplomatic language. What is happening in Palestine is not a conflict but a system of apartheid and settler colonialism. Palestinians should be supported in their right to legitimate forms of resistance, not managed as victims. The world must abandon its false neutrality.

On the two-state idea and pre-1967 borders:

That proposal is stuck in a past that no longer exists. After all this bloodshed, justice cannot be reduced to “borders.” There is no solution on this land other than a single, democratic, and secular state where everyone is equal—Jews, Muslims, Christians, Arabs, and other ethnicities such as Jews, Druze, Circassians, Turkmen, Baha'is, and others. We don't want half-freedom, nor a state surrounded by settlements and walls. The true Palestinian state is one built on ending the occupation, not accepting it.

In this city, I learned that exile may offer security… but it does not grant belonging.
In this city, I learned that exile may offer security… but it does not grant belonging.

present

What You Can Do

This story asks not only for empathy, but for response.

Bissan Edwan is a journalist, writer, and publisher with more than 25 years of work. She holds a degree from Al-Azhar University in Cairo, founded the independent press Ibn Roshd, and wrote 'Letters from the Diaspora,' published in 2022 in Ramallah and Istanbul.

Her books, Letters from the Diaspora (a newly edited edition) and Fukuyama Falls in Gaza, a collection of poetry, will soon be published. Sign up for our newsletter to be the first to learn how to order your copy.

Be sure to check out her articles on Writing in Exile and on Palestinian memes, published in Shuddhashar FreeVoice.

Read her work. Host a reading. Use these stories for teaching. Support exiled writers and artists with your time, your attention, and your platform. Help keep stories like this in circulation where fear would prefer silence.

Photo: Photo by Fayez Abu Stati